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The testimony of Riyadh Prince, Salman Bin Abdul Aziz, concerning Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, in the opening of the economic Saudi-Lebanese Forum, which was held with the sponsorship of Prince Salman from Jan 26 to Jan 27, was considered rare and exceptional. This was the first time in which a Saudi official with a high rank mentions the position of Hariri in the kingdom; rather he mentioned the course of his life reaching his present position even though the picture was short and indicative. Prince Sultan Bin Turki Bin Abdul Aziz (King Fahd’s nephew) issued a statement that included accusations of the Prime Minister; some of which were his exploitation of Saudi aids to Lebanon where he said the poor people of the kingdom have the priority to such aids. This open criticism, directed to a Prime Minister from one of the members of the ruling family, was considered as the gravest. Amid the most critical stages of tension between Hariri and Prince al-Walid Bin Talal Bin Abdul Aziz, based on the criticism of the latter to the policy of the Lebanese government, followed by criticizing Hariri himself, issues did not reach the limit of personal injury that was clearly included in the statement of Prince Sultan Bin Turki. Therefore, the entire issue indicates to some sort of nervous relation between Hariri and the leaders of the kingdom, especially this provides him with economic and political chances at one time. This nervousness has reached the second generations of the Saudi Family, which sees Hariri at minimum as someone who possesses what does not belong to him, or someone who monopolizes a very personal relationship with King Fahd and Prince Crown Abdullah. Such a relation is not available but to fortunate princes (partially), especially in the political field and the administration of the public affair. Meeting with this conclusion, some Saudi mediators of the business sector underestimated Hariri earlier, considering his strong relation with Prince Fahd Bin Abdul Aziz before becoming king, as being the main reason behind building such a great wealth. The privileges that were given to him allowed a small contracting company, which he founded in the kingdom, to amazingly grow rapidly, where it manned in particular the construction of the most prominent architectural buildings and infrastructures of the capital city Riyadh. Those who viewed the distinguished relation between Hariri and the kingdom as being ringed by the personal relation with king Fahd, his primary sponsor, anticipated earlier for this situation to change when the star of Crown Prince Abdullah rises. They anticipated it especially during the latest years, where he actually received the leadership of the kingdom as the king became more ill and unable to perform his duties as a ruler. However, Hariri was able over the past years not to only develop his personal relations with most prominent leaders of the kingdom; rather he succeeded in altering them into some sort of mutual interests whose axis includes great companies including one of his sons and the sons of some great princes. He also mentioned that the present employees of Hariri are manning some military bases, manned by Americans in the past. This gave another economic and political chance at one time. After that, the events of New York and Washington took place to reveal an increasing Saudi need to Lebanon as a substitutive place for investments and services, and to Hariri’s role as a mediator in more than one level. When we realize the extent of the collapse in the American-Saudi relations and the size of the American pressures on the kingdom concerning the so-called terrorism and fanaticism, we will discover promptly that Hariri has found for himself additional tasks, which enhanced his position and the immunity of his basic role. Prime Minister Hariri was the first Arab official to visit the American president George Bush, the junior, after the events of September 11. His visit came prior to the important meeting between prince Abdullah and Bush in the latter’s ranch. Hariri benefited from his old friendships with several symbols of the American administration, especially that with the minister of war, Donald Ramsfeld, in order to calm the environments and try to ease the tensions. According to Saudi sources, Prince Bandar Bin Sultan, kingdom ambassador to Washington, after his wife Princess Haifaa was subjected to a media campaign, has complained his helplessness to the officials in Riyadh. This time the burden seems heavy and the anti-Saudi campaign seems very extensive, suggesting conceding with some American requests, such as strangling some religious scientists who support the previous struggling movement represented by Osama Bin Laden, until delivering some personalities with more fanaticism! According to some other information, one of the prominent princes in Saudi tried to issue a statement that denies Bin Laden, but was unable to do so. This is because the religious institution in general and the Saudi street are both sympathizing with al-Qaeda organization and its leader, or at least they do not support the American campaign. If this question, “what does Lebanon want from the kingdom”, was not proposed due to its intuition, then the opposite question, “what does KSA want from Lebanon”, would be more ambiguous. This is because someone is not used to propose it, or it never passed through anyone’s mind in the past. However, it was confirmed that many of the Saudi policies have no relation with certain strategies; they rather are ruled by certain mode or relationship. When Hariri refrained from forming the government of the first reign in 1998, Prime minister Salim Hoss complained from the media means, which Hariri owns that can ruin the policies of the government, especially with the kingdom. However, what is also true is that the Saudis themselves felt suspicious as soon as their man left the regime. The same issue is applied to the private Saudi sector. Another important point can be noticed, Hariri, while being outside the regime, maintained his outside political glow opposite to his inner picture. He was able to build a network of interests and personal political and financial relations with many Arab and non-Arab leaders, starting with Malaysia, Pakistan, France and Canada. Even Egyptian president Hosni Mobarak received him once in Cairo, where they discussed the Middle East crisis and its developments according to the formal Egyptian statement. Some exclamation marks appeared from more than one Arab side about the secrecy of Hariri leaving the regime. He also wished Hariri to be an investor in his country and even its Prime Minister! This cannot equate the surprise that was hidden by Russian President Vladimir Putin when Hariri visited Moscow last year. He prepared for him a great ceremony for his birthday. It was a strange indication, according to diplomatic and political standards. Hariri realized that money could protect him and enhance his political influence, especially in Lebanon, where he invests some of his money. In addition, he invests the money of a huge financial bag that belongs to princes or women of the royal family and which he himself administers them. (This perhaps is one of the bases of the strong relations with the royal family; especially the tradition, which king Abdul Aziz established, obliges his sons to work with either the province or business). Therefore, one can understand the vicious campaign, which he conducted in 2000 along with the money he spent after his withdrawal from the regime and his exposition to political exposure. Hariri wanted to enter the club of the politicians with strength as a leader who represents an important group of the Lebanese, where he cannot be trespassed by the regime or the opposition, and to return to the authority where he can say that he is the best one to defend the Saudi interests, preventing any media insult. Hariri returned to the kingdom as a Prime Minister and a leader and not as a businessperson, and the description as a mediator never abandoned him. Khalid Manasfi
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